Katrina Brought Fairness Back into Focus—Talking Points
Low-Wage Work: The Big Picture
· Although the United States still leads the world in overall prosperity and productivity, the American way of organizing work and rewarding workers no longer provides many hardworking families a piece of the American dream.
· Today, one out of four workers in the United States holds a job that pays less than $8.70 an hour (around $18,100 working full-time), which is the official poverty line for a family of four. (See Beth Shulman, The Betrayal of Work: How Low-Wage Jobs Fail 30 Million Americans, The New Press,
· The core feature of the past quarter century has been the long-term shift from a manufacturing to a service economy. Wal-Mart is now the largest creator of jobs. Less than 40 years ago, one out of every three nonfarm jobs was in the manufacturing sector. As recently as the 1970s, it provided jobs to almost one-third of men between the ages of 25 and 54 who did not attend college. Entering the 21st century, however, manufacturing comprises only 16 percent of the total economy, or one out of every six jobs, making it smaller than the retail trade industry.
http://www.lowwagework.org/longnarrative.htm
· Low-wage jobs are not just quantitatively different than better paying jobs, but qualitatively different:
o Health and Sick Benefits: Most of these workers lack basic benefits such as health care, sick pay, disability pay, paid vacation. In 1995, less than half the workers making under $20,000 a year ($10.00 an hour working full-time) were offered health insurance by their employer in contrast to over 80 percent of workers making over $40,000 a year. And for those that are provided health insurance, many cannot afford the premiums, so many do without.
o Flexibility to Care for Children: Their jobs leave little flexibility to care for a sick child or deal with an emergency at school-let alone the normal appointments and needs everyday life. Only one in three low-wage workers receive paid sick leave for a child's illness. They have the most rigid schedules and little or no family or sick leave.
o Safety: While higher-wage jobs have become safer over the past 20 years, low-wage jobs became increasingly more dangerous. Nearly one in five poultry processing workers, for example, suffered a serious injury in 1995.
o Child Care: Quality child care is unaffordable for most and many nighttime shifts, forced overtime, and employer changes in schedules make it even harder to find and more expensive to obtain.
o Fear Factor: Low- wage workplaces are often emotionally degrading. Constant surveillance, time clocks, drug testing and rigid rules reinforce the pervasive sense that employers view them as untrustworthy. Fear is the chief motivator in these workplaces. Being five minutes late can mean the difference between having a job and not. A few minutes too long in the bathroom can mean a dock in pay or discipline.
o Lack of Training: Low-wage jobs provide the least amount of training for their workers.
o Security: Not surprisingly, workers in low-wage jobs suffer more frequent periods of unemployment, yet they are the least apt to qualify for unemployment insurance. For workers who earn between $10-15,000 a year, less than half were offered a retirement plan in contrast to 84% of those who make over $50,000 a year.
For more info, see The Betrayal of Work: How Low-Wage Jobs Fail 30 Million Americans
By Beth Shulman
· Earnings, wages and salaries now make up only 80 percent of census-reported income, compared to 90 percent in 1949. More than 10 percent of income comes from government payments alone: Social Security, Medicare and Medicaid, unemployment insurance and poverty-relief programs like welfare and food stamps.
· After a two-decade hiatus, productivity growth in the late 1990s returned to the rapid rates seen after World War II. The corresponding growth in incomes was less equally shared, however, in part because "skill bias" drove up earnings for the college-educated at the expense of dropouts and unskilled laborers.
· The service sector now accounts for more than 77 percent of all employment hours. Because of deregulation, globalization and technology change, power has shifted from workers to employers, generating growing competition for good jobs -- those that involve well-paid, clean, steady work in pleasant surroundings.
For more info, see The New Dollars and Dreams: American Incomes and Economic Change By Frank Levy
Minimum Wage in the
· 6 states in the
·
· 16 States including DC have minimum wage laws which exceed the federal law.
http://www.dol.gov/esa/minwage/america.htm
· In 2005,
http://www.lni.wa.gov/WorkplaceRights/Wages/Minimum/default.asp
· Some 2 million people in the
· Public support for a pay raise appears strong. A survey of 2,000 Americans in December 2004 and March 2005 by the
For more info, see Activists hope Katrina hastens
By Andrea Hopkins washingtonpost.com
· The federal minimum wage for covered nonexempt employees is $5.15 an hour. The federal minimum wage provisions are contained in the Fair Labor Standards Act (FLSA). Many states also have minimum wage laws. Where an employee is subject to both the state and federal minimum wage laws, the employee is entitled to higher of the two minimum wages.
· Various minimum wage exceptions apply under specific circumstances to workers with disabilities, full-time students, youth under age 20 in their first 90 consecutive calendar days of employment, tipped employees and student-learners.
Characteristics of Minimum Wage Workers: 2002 (US Department of Labor)
· According to Current Population Survey estimates for 2002, some 72.7 million American workers were paid at hourly rates, representing 59.6 percent of all wage and salary workers. Of those paid by the hour, about 570,000 were reported earning exactly $5.15, the prevailing Federal minimum wage, and another 1.6 million were reported with wages below the minimum.
· Together, these 2.2 million workers with wages at or below the minimum made up 3.0 percent of all hourly-paid workers.
· Minimum wage workers tend to be young. About half of workers earning $5.15 or less were under age 25, and slightly more than one-fourth were age 16-19. Among teenagers, 10 percent earned $5.15 or less. About 2 percent of workers age 25 and over earned the minimum wage or less. However, among those age 65 and over, the proportion was about 5 percent. (See tables 1 and 7.)
· About 4 percent of women paid hourly rates reported wages at or below the prevailing Federal minimum, compared with about 2 percent of men.
· The proportion of hourly-paid workers receiving $5.15 or less was about 3 percent for whites, blacks, and Hispanics. For whites and Hispanics, women were more likely than men to be low-wage earners. (See table 1.)
· Roughly two-thirds of all low-wage workers in 2002 were in service-type occupations, mostly in food service jobs. (See table 4.)
· Among the four broad geographic regions, the West had the lowest proportion of hourly workers with earnings at or below $5.15 (about 2 percent), while the South had the highest (about 4 percent).
Source:
How often does the federal minimum wage increase?
· The minimum wage does not increase automatically. Congress must pass a bill which the President signs into law in order for the minimum wage to go up.
For more info, go to Questions and Answers About the Minimum Wage
http://www.dol.gov/esa/minwage/q-a.htm
Latest efforts to raise the Federal Minimum Wage
· Senate proposals to raise the minimum wage were rejected …making it unlikely that the lowest allowable wage, $5.15 an hour since 1997, will rise in the foreseeable future.
· A labor-backed measure by Senator Edward Kennedy, Democrat of Massachusetts, would have raised the minimum to $6.25 over an 18-month period. A Republican counterproposal would have combined the same $1.10 increase with various breaks and exemptions for small businesses.
· The Kennedy amendment to a spending bill went down 51 to 47, and the GOP alternative 57 to 42. Under a Senate agreement, 60 votes were needed for approval.
· Kennedy said Hurricane Katrina demonstrated the depth of poverty in the country. Making minimum wage, a single parent with two children earns $10,700 a year, $4,500 below the poverty line.
· He said it was ''absolutely unconscionable" that in the same period that Congress has denied a minimum wage increase, lawmakers have voted themselves seven pay raises worth $28,000.
· The first minimum wage of 25 cents an hour was enacted under President Roosevelt in 1938. Congress has since voted eight times to increase it, including under Republican presidents Eisenhower, Ford and George H.W. Bush.
· Sixteen states and the
For more info, see Senate declines to raise the minimum wage from $5.15
Proposals by Kennedy, GOP both rejected By Jim Abrams, Associated Press | October 20, 2005
‘Deep, Persistent Poverty’ After Katrina: More Budget Cuts and Tax Cuts
· The wretched images of the poor left to struggle on the
· According to the
· Items on the agenda in
· The president’s vow to pay for reconstruction in
· Rarely has poverty continued to rise so long after the end of a recession. The median household income in the
· The numbers without any kind of health insurance grew last year to 45.8 million people.
For more info, see Poverty amid plenty BY DAVID TEATHER 19 October 2005
· a study by the Economic Policy Institute published in the wake of Hurricane Katrina found 491,000 of the lowest-paid workers in
For more info, see Activists hope Katrina hastens
By Andrea Hopkins washingtonpost.com
· The indefinite suspension of the Davis-Bacon Act in every county touched by Hurricane Katrina (including
For more info, see the report from Wider Opportunities for Women (WOW) titled, One Month After Katrina: Women and Families at Risk of Being Left Behind
Center for American Progress on the Budget Reconciliation process:
[budget reconciliation supposed to be completed by Oct 1 is proceeding now with serious implications]
· The conservative leadership in Congress was not so moved. As part of an esoteric process called "budget reconciliation," fiscally conservative Republican leadership is proposing $35 billion in cuts for programs that benefit the least fortunate. Programs likely to face the chopping block include cutting Medicaid by $225 billion, increasing Medicare premiums by $85 billion, cutting $4.5 billion from rural economic development as well as cutting student loans.
· This week the House rejected their proposal to cut food stamps. However, the Senate voted against raising the federal minimum wage.
· The program cuts are being sold as a painful but necessary step to reduce the federal deficit. But the $35 billion in program cuts are being paired with at least $70 billion in new tax cuts for the wealthy, resulting in a net increase in the deficit.
BIG TAX CUTS FOR THE ULTRA-RICH: The $70 billion in tax cuts "are likely to go overwhelmingly to high-income taxpayers." According to an analysis by
THE OFF-SET MYTH: The House of Representatives is pursuing even deeper spending cuts in critical government programs. One right-wing group is pushing about $50 billion in cuts, supposedly as a way to "off-set" the costs of reconstruction on the
Women, Children and Minorities
· Almost all poor single mothers supplement their income with some combination of off-the-books employment and money from relatives, lovers and the fathers of their children. Few report any of this income to the welfare department or the IRS.
· This distorts reported income and spending, leaving the impression among politicians and the public that families can actually live on welfare or salaries of $5,000 a year (plus food stamps and Medicaid).
· Official poverty thresholds underestimate poor families' needs by about 25 percent, in part because they take no account of the new expenses of working or reductions in food stamp, housing and medical benefits that accompany higher income.
· Jobs for unskilled and semi-skilled women provide meager salaries, irregular hours, frequent layoffs and no promise of advancement.
For more info, see Making Ends Meet: How Single Mothers Survive Welfare and Low-Wage Work By Kathryn Edin and Laura Lein
· Using the federal government’s official poverty measure—which is about $16,000 annually for a family of three and $19,000 for a family of four—17 percent of the nation’s children are living in poor families. That’s 12 million children, and the number is increasing.
· Perhaps most stunning is that 7 percent of children—5 million—live in families with incomes of less than half the poverty level. That’s a paltry sum—less than $8,000 for a family of three and $9,600 for a family of four.
For more info, see A Poverty Of Understanding, Nancy Cauthen, September 30, 2005
· Income for the bottom 40 percent of African-American households fell by 5.9 and 5.7 percent from 2001 to 2003.
· Most recently, the U.S. Census Bureau reported that from 2002 to 2003 the number of Americans in poverty increased by 1.3 million people to 35.9 million. This caused the official poverty rate to rise from 12.1 to 12.5 percent. Although the poverty rates of African-Americans and Hispanics did not change from 2002 to 2003, they both exceed 20 percent. One of the most disturbing aspects of the Census Bureau’s release was the increase in child poverty from 16.7 percent in 2002 to 17.6 percent. About 800,000 more children now live in poverty.
· A recent analysis of a proposal to increase the federal minimum wage in steps to $7.00 per hour by 2006 by nine leading labor economists concluded that 76 percent of women who would benefit directly from the increase are over the age of 20. Minority women would disproportionately benefit from the increase: 33 percent of female beneficiaries would be African-American or Hispanic, even though these groups comprise only 24 percent of the female workforce.
· This study also identified the additional purchasing power that an increase would provide to families: 10 months of groceries, eight months of rent, an entire year of community college, and almost an entire year of healthcare expenses.
For more info, see Higher Minimum Wage Can Lift Minorities
by William Rodgers III September 22, 2004
· The annual income of an individual working full-time, with two children, at the $5.15 an hour minimum wage leaves them $4,500 below the poverty level. An increase in the minimum wage to $7.25 would benefit many of the 9.7 million children who live in households where at least one worker earns between the current minimum wage and $7.25 per hour. Furthermore, 1.2 million of these children live in households where two or more workers earned less than the proposed minimum wage.2
· Because the minimum wage is not indexed for inflation, its purchasing power has eroded over time. The eight years since the last increase represents the second longest period over which Congress has failed to increase the minimum wage. As a result of the stagnating minimum wage, a full-time minimum wage paycheck – which would have kept a family of three above the poverty threshold during most of the 1960s and 1970s – provides an annual income that is only 70 percent of the poverty line in 2004
· The current earnings of a single parent working full-time at minimum wage covers only 40 percent of the estimated cost of raising two children. This is down from 48 percent in 1997 when the minimum wage was last raised
· If the minimum wage were raised to $7.25 per hour, it would cover 56 percent of the costs of raising two children, a significant improvement for working families.
For more info, see Increasing the Minimum Wage: An Issue of Children’s Well-Being
Minimum Wage Facts at a Glance, Economic Policy institute, Last updated March 2005
A minimum wage increase would raise the wages of millions of workers.
· An estimated 7.3 million workers (5.8% of the workforce) would receive an increase in their hourly wage rate if the minimum wage were raised from $5.15 to $7.25 by June 2007.
Minimum wage increases benefit working families.
· An estimated 760,000 single mothers with children under 18 would benefit from a minimum wage increase to $7.25 by June 2007. Single mothers would benefit disproportionately from an increase — single mothers are 10.4% of workers affected by an increase, but they make up only 5.3% of the overall workforce. Approximately 1.8 million parents with children under 18 would benefit.
· Close to half (43.9%) of workers who would benefit from a minimum wage increase work full time and another third (34.5%) work between 20 and 34 hours per week.
Minimum wage increases benefit disadvantaged workers.
· Women are the largest group of beneficiaries from a minimum wage increase: 60.6% of workers who would benefit from an increase to $7.25 by 2007 are women. An estimated 7.3% of working women would benefit directly from that increase in the minimum wage.
· A disproportionate share of minorities would benefit from a minimum wage increase. African Americans represent 11.1% of the total workforce, but are 15.3% of workers affected by an increase. Similarly, 13.4% of the total workforce is Hispanic, but Hispanics are 19.7% of workers affected by an increase.
· The benefits of the increase disproportionately help those working households at the bottom of the income scale. Although households in the bottom 20% received only 5.1% of national income, 38.1% of the benefits of a minimum wage increase to $7.25 would go to these workers. The majority of the benefits (58.5%) of an increase would go to families with working, prime-aged adults in the bottom 40% of the income distribution.
· Among families with children and a low-wage worker affected by a minimum wage increase to $7.25, the affected worker contributes, on average, half of the family's earnings. Thirty-six percent of such workers actually contribute 100% of their family's earnings.
A minimum wage increase is part of a broad strategy to end poverty.
· As welfare reform forces more poor families to rely on their earnings from low-paying jobs, a minimum wage increase is likely to have a greater impact on reducing poverty.
· A recent study of a 1999 state minimum wage increase in Oregon found that as many as one-half of the welfare recipients entering the workforce in 1998 were likely to have received a raise due to the increase. After the increase, the real hourly starting wages for former welfare recipients rose to $7.23.
· The minimum wage raises the wages of low-income workers in general, not just those below the official poverty line. Many families move in and out of poverty, and near-poor families are also beneficiaries of minimum wage increases.
There is no evidence of job loss from the last minimum wage increase.
· A 1998 EPI study failed to find any systematic, significant job loss associated with the 1996-97 minimum wage increase. In fact, following the most recent increase in the minimum wage in 1996-97, the low-wage labor market performed better than it had in decades (e.g., lower unemployment rates, increased average hourly wages, increased family income, decreased poverty rates).
· Studies of the 1990-91 federal minimum wage increase, as well as studies by David Card and Alan Krueger of several state minimum wage increases, also found no measurable negative impact on employment.
· New economic models that look specifically at low-wage labor markets help explain why there is little evidence of job loss associated with minimum wage increases. These models recognize that employers may be able to absorb some of the costs of a wage increase through higher productivity, lower recruiting and training costs, decreased absenteeism, and increased worker morale.
· A recent Fiscal Policy Institute (FPI) study of state minimum wages found no evidence of negative employment effects on small businesses.
http://www.epinet.org/content.cfm/issueguides_minwage_minwagefacts
· Our basic finding is: advancement prospects depend not only on the individual worker's skills and earnings capacity, but also on the characteristics of their employers. In other words, a given worker with specific skills can be a good deal more or less successful in the labor market, depending on the employer for whom (s)he works and their pay/promotion policies.
· Some employers choose "higher-road" policies to being competitive and others choose a "lower road." The higher-road employers compete on the basis of higher worker productivity; they provide higher wages and benefits, as well as training and promotion ladders, in return for high performance and low turnover. In contrast, lower-road employers compete on the basis of low costs, and accept the high turnover/weaker performance that inevitably comes with that strategy.
· Unfortunately, many low earners have little access to these higher-wage employers. Not only do their own weak skills and poor labor market histories limit their access; but they are also impeded by a variety of other factors. These include lack of transportation to the local areas in which high-wage employers are often located; lack of information about these employers, and weak informal networks (based on friends and neighbors), that fail to link them to these jobs; as well as outright discrimination against some minority groups, especially native-born African-Americans.
For more info, see How Can We Help Low Earners Move Up in the Labor Market? by Harry J. Holzer, April 8, 2005
· The risk of job displacement and layoffs has risen, but high-performance strategies by employers can still increase both productivity and worker satisfaction.
· Pay and employment problems of the least-skilled could be addressed with strengthened basic K-12 education, school-to-work and apprenticeship programs, reliance on the Earned Income Tax Credit and improved job ladders.
For more info, see A Working Nation: Workers, Work, and Government in the New Economy By David T. Ellwood, Rebecca M. Blank, Joseph Blasi, Douglas Kruse, William A. Niskanen and Karen Lynn-Dyson
Costco v. Wal-mart: Wage and Benefit Satisfaction
· To workers and union leaders, it is a familiar refrain. These days, the story goes, consumers demand low prices, meaning goods must be produced and sold cheaply — and retail wages must be kept as low as possible. Companies like Wal-Mart insist they’re feeling the squeeze and must pay workers poverty wages — even while netting $10.5 billion in annual profits and awarding millions to top executives.
· But there’s another company that is breaking the Wal-Mart mold: Costco Wholesale Corp., now the fifth-largest retailer in the
· How does Costco pull it off? How can a discount retail chain pay middle-class wages and still bring in over $880 million in net revenues? And, a cynic may ask, with Wal-Mart wages becoming the norm, why does it bother?
· A number of factors explain Costco’s success at building a retail chain both profitable and fair to its workers. But the basic formula is one the labor movement has been advocating for decades: a loyal, well-compensated workforce means a more efficient and productive one.
Costco v. Wal-Mart: How They Stack Up
· Global Workforce
Wal-Mart: 1.6 million associates
Costco: 113,000 employees
·
Wal-Mart: 1.2 million
Costco: 83,600
·
Wal-Mart: 0
Costco: 15,000
·
Wal-Mart: 3,600
Costco: 336
· Net Profits (2004)
Wal-Mart: $10.5 billion
Costco: $882 million
· CEO Salary + Bonus (2004)
Wal-Mart: $5.3 million
Costco: $350,000
· Average Pay
Wal-Mart: $9.68/hour
Costco: $16/hour
· Health Plan Costs
Wal-Mart: Associates pay 34% of premiums + deductible ($350-$1,000)
Costco: Comprehensive; employees pay 5-8% of premiums
· Employees Covered By Company Health Insurance
Wal-Mart: 48%
Costco: 82%
· Employee Turnover (estimate)
Wal-Mart: 50%
Costco: 24%
Sources: Wal-Mart, Costco, Business Week, Forbes.com
For more info, see http://laborresearch.org/print.php?id=391